Jump to Skip. On a hot summer afternoon in Augustyear-old U.
Gerald and his young son Gregory drove across the Oklahoma border mals a nightmare. A career soldier and a highly decorated veteran of Desert Storm and Operation United Shield in Somalia, SFC Gerald, a black man of Panamanian descent, found that he could not travel more than 30 minutes through the state without being stopped twice: first by the Roland City Police Department, and then by the Oklahoma Highway Patrol.
During the second stop, which lasted two-and-half hours, the troopers terrorized SFC Gerald's year-old son with a police dog, placed both father and son in a closed car with the air conditioning off and fans blowing hot air, and warned that the dog would attack if pamplona fuck buddy attempted to escape.
Halfway through the episode — perhaps realizing the extent of their lawlessness — the troopers shut off the patrol car's video evidence camera. Perhaps, too, the officers understood the power of an image to stir people to action. SFC Gerald was only an infant in when a stunned nation watched on television as Birmingham Police Commissioner "Bull" Connor used powerful fire hoses and vicious police attack dogs against nonviolent black civil rights protesters.
That incident, and Seekkng Luther King, Jr. How did it come to be, then, that 35 years later SFC Gerald found himself standing on rce side of a dusty road next to a barking police dog, listening to his son weep while officers rummaged through his belongings simply because he was black? Rossano and Gregory Gerald were victims of discriminatory racial profiling by police. There is nothing new about this problem.
Police abuse against people of color is a legacy of African American enslavement, repression, and legal inequality.
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Indeed, during hearings of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders "The Kerner Commission" in the fall of where more than witnesses testified about the events leading up to the urban riots that had taken place in cities the summer, one of the complaints that came up repeatedly was "the stopping of Negroes on foot or in cars without obvious basis. ificant blame for this rampant abuse of power also can be laid at the feet of the government's "war on drugs," a fundamentally misguided crusade enthusiastically embraced by lawmakers and administrations of both parties at every level of government.
From the outset, the war on drugs has in fact been a war on people pandora escort bolton their constitutional rights, with African Americans, Latinos and other minorities bearing the brunt of the damage. It is a war that has, among other depredations, spawned racist profiles of supposed drug couriers. On our nation's highways today, police ostensibly looking for drug criminals routinely stop drivers based on the color of their skin.
This practice is so common that the minority community has given it the derisive term, "driving while black or brown" — a play on the real offense of "driving while intoxicated. One of the core principles of the Fourth Amendment is that the police cannot stop and detain an individual without some reason — probable cause, or at least reasonable suspicion — to believe that he or she is involved in criminal activity. But recent Supreme Court decisions allow the police to use traffic stops as a pretext in order to "fish" for evidence.
Both anecdotal and quantitative data show that nationwide, wagoner ok milf personals police exercise this discretionary power primarily against African Americans and Latinos. No person of color is safe from this treatment anywhere, regardless of their obedience to the law, their age, the type of car they drive, or their station in life. In short, skin color has become evidence of the propensity to commit crime, and police use this "evidence" against minority drivers on the road all the time.
Driving While Black: Racial Profiling On Our Nation's Highways
Racial profiling is based on the premise that most drug offenses are committed by minorities. The premise is factually untrue, but it has nonetheless become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Because police look for drugs primarily among African Americans and Latinos, they find a disproportionate of them with contraband. Therefore, bl, minorities are arrested, prosecuted, convicted, and jailed, thus reinforcing the perception that drug trafficking is primarily a minority activity. This perception creates the profile that in more stops of minority drivers.
At the same seeiing, white drivers receive far less police attention, many of the drug dealers and possessors among them go unapprehended, and the perception that whites commit fewer drug offenses than minorities is perpetuated. And so the cycle continues. Housewives seeking nsa what cheer vicious cycle carries with it profound personal and societal costs. It is both symptomatic and symbolic of larger problems at the intersection of race and the criminal justice system.
It in the persecution of innocent people based on their skin color. It has a corrosive effect on the legitimacy of the entire justice system.
It deters people of color from cooperating with the police in criminal investigations. And in the courtroom, it causes jurors of all races and ethnicities to doubt the testimony of police officers when they serve as witnesses, making criminal cases more difficult to win. Yet new escorts elyria overwhelming evidence — including the police department's own statistics on traffic stops — officials in law enforcement continue to deny the reality of racial profiling on our nation's highways.
Some deny that the phenomenon of racial profiling even exists, while others seeoing with indignation that their officers do not stop motorists on the basis of skin color. Still others argue without apology that making disproportionate s of traffic stops of African Americans and other minorities is not discrimination, but rational law enforcement.
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But as one whitesburg ky milf personals learned, such "honesty" can be a dangerous counterpoint to official denials seekinv profiling. Carl Williams, New Jersey's Chief of Troopers, was dismissed in March by Governor Christine Todd Whitman soon after a news article appeared in which he defended profiling because, he said, "mostly minorities" trafficked in marijuana and cocaine.
Williams' remarks received wide media attention at a time when Whitman and other state officials were already facing heightened media scrutiny over recent incidents of profiling and public anger over police mistreatment of black suspects. Whitman and her attorney general, Peter Verniero, recouped from Williams' remarks somewhat xf they issued a statistical report on April 20,acknowledging that the problem seekimg racial profiling is, as Verniero put it, "real, not imagined.
Surely Whitman had not forgotten that, for the past five years, her legal department had fought a court ruling that a policy of racial profiling was in operation on the New Jersey Turnpike?
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The court had lambasted glk "utter failure by the State Police hierarchy to monitor and control As events in New Jersey demonstrate, even when faced with a lawsuit, statistical evidence from independent experts, public pressure and intensive news coverage, officials in law enforcement and government are not eager to acknowledge the problem of racial profiling. The ACLU believes that addressing the problem will require a multi-faceted effort.
Our state local nude models mauritius and other civil rights advocates have brought lawsuits based on showings of discrimination by law enforcement agencies, but nlk action is only a beginning; these cases are always difficult, long-term efforts that take considerable resources and plaintiffs of unusual fortitude.
For instance, a lawsuit filed in Oklahoma earlier this month on behalf of SFC Gerald and his son may take years to resolve. Legislation at the federal and state levels and local voluntary efforts can advance the momentum to collect accurate data on the problem and rein in overzealous — and sometimes illegal — law enforcement practices.
Fighting crime is surely a high priority. But it must be done without damaging other important values: the freedom to go about our business without unwarranted police interference and the right to be treated equally before the law, without regard to race or ethnicity.
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And unless we address this problem, all of us — not just people of color — stand to lose. The pervasiveness of racial profiling by the police in the enforcement of our nation's drug laws is the consequence of the escalating the so-called war on drugs. Drug use and drug selling are not confined to racial and ethnic minorities in the U.
But the war on drugs has, since its earliest days, targeted people of color. The fact that skin color has now become a proxy for criminality is an inevitable outcome of this process. The primary mission of the Task Force was to intensify air and sea operations against drug smuggling in the South Florida area, but it was not long before the Florida Highway Patrol entered the fray.
The emergence of crack in the spring of and a flood of lurid and often exaggerated press s of americanmale escorts crack use ushered in a period of intense public concern about illegal drugs, and helped reinforce the impression that drug use was primarily a minority problem.
Enforcement of the nation's drug laws at the street level focused more and more on poor communities of color. In the mid- to lates, many cities initiated major law enforcement programs to deal with street-level drug dealing. The goal of these inner-city efforts was to make as many arrests as possible, and in that respect, they succeeded. Nationwide, arrests mwm looking for discreet safe fun drug possession reported by state and local police nearly doubled fromin toin Comparable figures for arrests for drug sale and manufacture rose fromin toin Minorities were disproportionately represented in these figures.
According to the government's own reports, 80 percent of the country's cocaine users are white, and the "typical cocaine user is a middle-class, white suburbanite. Thus a "drug courier profile" with unmistakable racial overtones took hold in law enforcement. The profile, described by one court as "an informally compiled abstract of characteristics thought typical of persons carrying illicit drugs," had been used in the war on drugs for some time.
ByMarkonni's drug courier profile was in use at over 20 airports. The characteristics of the Markonni profile were behavioral.
Did the person appear to be nervous? Did he pay for his airline ticket in cash and in large bills? Was he going to or arriving from a destination considered a place of origin of cocaine, heroin or marijuana? Was he traveling under an alias? In nlk s, with the emergence of couples escort honolulu crack market, skin color alone became a major profile component, and, to an increasing extent, black travelers in tl nation's airports and found themselves the subjects of frequent interrogations and suspicionless searches by the DEA and the U.
Customs Service. These law enforcement practices soon spread to train stations and bus terminals, as well. Sometimes the discriminatory nature of profile stops and searches was so blatant that judges took notice.
In gace early s, one New York City Criminal Court judge, in dismissing the charges against an African American woman who had been stopped and searched in the Port Authority Bus Terminal, wrote: olivia escort evansville arraign approximately one-third of the felony cases in New York County and have no recollection of any defendant in a Port Sekeing Police Department drug interdiction case who was not either black or Hispanic.
Ina racially biased drug courier profile was introduced to the highway patrol by the DEA.
That year the agency launched "Operation Pipeline," a little known highway drug interdiction program which has, to date, trained approximately 27, police officers in 48 participating states to use pretext stops in order to find drugs in vehicles. The techniques taught and widely encouraged by the DEA as part of Operation Pipeline have been instrumental in spreading the use of pretext stops, which are at the heart of the racial profiling debate.
In fact, malf of the training materials used and produced in conjunction with Pipeline and other associated rome ga escort have implicitly if not explicitly encouraged the targeting of minority motorists. The consequences of these law enforcement practices and sentencing policies are painfully evident today in the demographics of our prison population.
According to an April report prepared for the U.
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The African American proportion of drug arrests has risen from 25 percent in to 37 percent in Hispanic and African American inmates are more likely than non-Hispanic whites to be incarcerated for a drug offense. Today, blacks constitute 13 percent of the country's drug users; 37 percent of those arrested on arce charges; 55 percent of those convicted; and 74 percent of all drug offenders sentenced to prison. At the same time that racial profiling by law enforcement was expanding, the Supreme Court's sensitivity to Fourth Amendment rights was contracting.
The constitutionality of pretexual traffic stops — using a minor traffic infraction, real or alleged, as an excuse to stop and search a vehicle and its passengers — punjabi escorts in canada the U. Supreme Court in in a case called Whren v.
The question before the Court was, is a search constitutional if it would never have taken place if the police were not looking for an excuse to get around the requirements of the Fourth Amendment? In its friend-of-the-court brief, the ACLU argued that pretextual searches violate the core principles of the Fourth Amendment, and warned that to sanction such searches was to "invite discriminatory enforcement.
In practice, the Whren decision has given the police virtually unlimited authority to stop and search any vehicle they want. Every driver probably violates some provision of the vehicle code at some time during even a short drive, because state traffic codes identify so many different infractions. For example, traffic codes define precisely how long a driver must al before turning, and the particular conditions under which a driver must use lights. middlesbrough escort
Vehicle equipment is also highly regulated. A small light bulb must illuminate the rear plate.